翻刻
節冊以往今使者未至乃欲遥受冊命則是委君貺
於草莽其不可一也廷会奉表入貢乃求遣官代進
昧以小事大之礼棄世子専遣之命其不可二也昔
正徳中流賊為梗使臣至淮安撫按官暫為留住候
事寧即遣貢闕下占城国王為安南所侵竄居他所
故令使者賚回勅命乃一時権宜且此失国之君也
造無稽之詞以欺天朝援失国之君以擬其主其不
可三也梯船通道柔服之常彼所藉口者特倭人之
驚風濤之険耳不知琛賨之諭納貢使之往来果何
由而得無患也其不可四也当時占城雖領回詔勅
然其王沙古卜洛猶懇請遣使為蛮邦光重且廷会
非世子面命又無印信文移若遽軽信其言万一世
子以遣使為至栄謂遥拝為非礼不肯受封復上請
使如占城将誰任其咎哉其不可五也乞令福建守
臣以前詔従事便至於未受封而先謝恩亦非故典
宜止許入貢方物候受封後方進謝恩表文世宗従
之 四十一年汝霖等始奉詔至国詔曰朕受天命
主宰寰宇凡政令之宣布惟成憲之是循其於錫封
現代語訳
節冊を以て往く。今使者未だ至らざるに乃ち遥かに冊命を受けんと欲するは、則ちこれ君の貺(たまもの)を草莽に委ねることなり。その不可なること一なり。廷会は表を奉じて入貢するに、乃ち官を遣わして代進することを求む。小が大に事うるの礼に昧く、世子の専遣の命を棄つ。その不可なること二なり。昔正徳中、流賊が梗となり、使臣淮安に至るに、撫按官暫く留住せしめ、事の寧むを候って即ち貢を遣わして闕下せしむ。占城国王は安南の侵す所となり他所に竄居す。故に使者をして勅命を賚回せしむるは、乃ち一時の権宜なり。且つ此れは失国の君なり。稽うべからざるの詞を造って以て天朝を欺き、失国の君を援いて以てその主に擬す。その不可なること三なり。梯船道に通じ柔服するは常なり。彼の藉口する所の者は特に倭人の驚と風濤の険のみ。琛賨の諭、納貢使の往来、果たして何に由りてか患い無きを得るかを知らざるなり。その不可なること四なり。当時占城は詔勅を領回すと雖も、然れどもその王沙古卜洛は猶お懇請して使を遣わして蛮邦の光重と為すを請う。且つ廷会は世子の面命に非ず、又印信文移無し。若し遽かにその言を軽信せば、万一世子使を遣わすを以て至栄と為し、遥拝を以て非礼と謂いて封を受くるを肯ぜず、復た請使を上ること占城の如くならば、将た誰かその咎に任ぜんや。その不可なること五なり。乞う福建の守臣をして前詔を以て事に従わしめよ。便ち未だ封を受けずして先ず謝恩するに至っては、亦た故典に非ず。宜しく止だ入貢方物を許し、封を受けた後に方めて謝恩の表文を進むべし。世宗これに従う。
四十一年(1562年)、汝霖等始めて詔を奉じて国に至る。詔して曰く「朕天命を受けて寰宇を主宰す。凡そ政令の宣布するは惟だ成憲のこれに循う。その錫封に於いては
英語訳
ceremonial regalia and investiture documents. Now, before the envoys have arrived, [Ryukyu] wishes to receive the investiture command from afar, which would be tantamount to abandoning the imperial gift in the wilderness. This is the first reason it cannot be permitted. Tinghui presents tribute with a memorial, yet seeks to have officials dispatched to present [tribute] on his behalf. This shows ignorance of the propriety by which the small serves the great, and abandons the crown prince's command for exclusive dispatch [of envoys]. This is the second reason it cannot be permitted. In the past during the Zhengde period, when bandits caused disruption and envoys reached Huai'an, the provincial officials temporarily had them remain until the situation was pacified, then immediately sent them to present tribute at court. The king of Champa was invaded by Annam and fled to reside elsewhere, so envoys were ordered to carry back the imperial edict—this was a temporary expedient. Moreover, this was a king who had lost his country. [Ryukyu] fabricates baseless words to deceive the imperial court and cites a king who lost his country to compare with their lord. This is the third reason it cannot be permitted. Navigation by ship and submissive service are normal practices. What they use as pretexts are merely fear of Japanese pirates and the dangers of storms at sea. They do not understand by what means the presentation of precious tribute and the coming and going of tribute envoys can truly be without trouble. This is the fourth reason it cannot be permitted. At that time, although Champa received back the imperial edict, their king Jaya Indravarman still earnestly requested the dispatch of envoys to bring honor to the barbarian state. Moreover, Tinghui does not have direct orders from the crown prince, nor does he have official seals or documents. If we rashly trust his words lightly, should the crown prince consider dispatching envoys as the highest honor and regard distant prostration as improper, refusing to accept investiture and again petitioning for envoys like Champa, who would bear responsibility for that fault? This is the fifth reason it cannot be permitted. We request that the Fujian officials be ordered to act according to the previous edict. As for expressing gratitude before receiving investiture, this is also not in accordance with established precedent. It is appropriate to only permit the presentation of tribute and local products, and only after receiving investiture should memorials of gratitude be submitted." Emperor Shizong followed this [recommendation].
In the forty-first year (1562), Rulin and others finally carried the imperial edict to the country. The edict stated: "We have received the Mandate of Heaven to rule the world. All proclamation of governmental orders follows only established laws. Regarding the granting of investiture