一　戒律伝来記一巻 - 翻刻

翻刻

【四頁】
【上段】
年＿一。至＿二漢末魏初＿一。東天竺國有＿二 二比丘尼＿一。到＿二長安＿一。見＿二此
土尼衆＿一。問曰。汝誰邊受＿二大戒＿一。尼衆答曰。我至＿二大僧所＿一
受＿二 三歸五戒＿一。二尼歎曰。邊地比丘尼。未＿レ有＿二具戒＿一。遂還＿二
中國＿一。化＿二-得十五人＿一。三人在＿二雪山＿一凍死。二人墮＿二黑𡼏＿一死。
屆＿二-至此土＿一。唯有＿二 十人＿一。自＿レ爾已前。尼悉赴＿レ京與＿二-受具足＿一。
後到＿二呉地＿一。與＿二彼尼衆＿一受戒。自＿レ爾已來尼衆始有＿二戒法＿一。相
傳受戒竟。後三人命終。唯七人在來逕＿二 十七年＿一。思＿二-憶本
鄕＿一。卽附＿二南海商人＿一而還＿二本國＿一。一去已來。更不＿レ■（マヽ）【禾+母】耳。此初
受戒。但在＿二魏初＿一。未＿レ詳＿二定是何年月日＿一。又從＿二魏初黄初元
年庚子歲＿一後計有＿二 二百一十一年＿一。至＿二宋第二文帝義隆元
嘉七年歲次庚午＿一。有＿二罽賓沙門求那跋摩＿一。此言＿二功德鎧＿一。
卽其國王之少子。至＿二于揚州＿一譯＿二善戒等經＿一。又復有＿二師子
國尼八人＿一。來至＿二宋地＿一云。此地未＿二曾有＿一レ尼。何得＿二 二衆受戒＿一。
功德鎧云。尼無＿二本法＿一者得戒而僧有＿レ罪。尋＿二佛制意＿一。先令＿レ
作＿二本法＿一者。政欲＿下生＿二其善心＿一爲＿中受戒方便＿上。論＿二其得戒＿一法
出＿二大僧＿一。但使＿二羯磨法成自然得戒＿一。今詳。魏初尼已受戒。
而功鎧德【ママ】卽（旣イ）西域人。不＿レ練＿二根由＿一。而言＿レ無＿二本法＿一也。當時尼

【下段】
衆苦求更受。功德鎧云。善哉隨喜。旦令＿二西尼學＿一レ語。更往＿二
西國＿一。請＿レ尼令＿レ足＿二 十數＿一。而功德鎧雖＿四先許＿三尼重受＿二大戒＿一。但
譯＿二比丘尼羯磨一卷＿一。譯經圖紀云＿二 四分羯磨一卷＿一是也。
而受戒未＿二事遂＿一而終俄然遂至＿二元嘉十年歲次癸酉＿一。有＿二
印度沙門僧伽跋摩＿一。此云＿二衆鎧＿一。戒德淸峻。道俗敬異。身
《割書：[考]身下恐｜脫渉字歟》流沙至＿二揚州＿一。復有＿二師子國尼鑯索羅等三人＿一至＿レ
京。足＿二前十數＿一。便請＿二衆鎧＿一爲＿レ師。於＿二壇上＿一與＿レ尼重受＿二大
戒＿一。齊末梁初鍾山定林寺僧祐律師記云。最初爲＿二影福寺
慧果淨音僧要智景等廿三人＿一受戒。自後不＿レ能＿二繁記＿一。自＿レ
爾已來。將爲＿二善受＿一。問。有＿二何證驗＿一知＿二得戒＿一耶。答。南山律
師記云。昔魏文帝。三年内作＿二無遮大會＿一。文帝問曰。此僧
尼得戒原由云何可＿レ知。大諸德悉皆不＿レ答。于＿レ時卽有＿二比
丘＿一。請向＿二西國＿一。問＿二得戒所由＿一。到＿二北天竺＿一。遇見＿二 一羅漢＿一。啓
問曰。振旦僧尼受＿二-得戒＿一不。答曰。我小聖不＿レ知＿二得不＿一。又
語＿二比丘＿一曰。汝且住＿レ此。吾今為＿レ汝往問＿二彌勒得不＿一來報。
於＿レ是卽入＿二禪定＿一向＿二兜卒天＿一。問曰。我是小聖。不＿レ知＿下邊地
爲＿二得戒＿一不＿上。故來問＿レ尊。彌勒答言。邊地戒遂請＿二證驗＿一。卽

【五頁】
【上段】
取＿二金花＿一而願言。若邊地僧尼得戒者。願金花入＿二羅漢手＿一。
若不＿レ得者。金花莫＿レ入。願訖。金花卽入＿二掌中＿一。一尺影現。
奇徵旣爾。内懷＿二歡喜＿一。彌勒語曰。汝下至＿二振旦比丘所＿一。亦
當＿二發願＿一。若使＿二振旦僧尼得戒不＿一レ虛。唯願金花入＿二比丘手＿一。
當＿二卽發願已訖。以＿レ手案＿一レ花。々入＿二比丘掌中＿一。一尺影現。
瑞應旣爾。欲＿二來還＿一レ國。遂有＿二迦毘羅神＿一。現＿レ身語曰。道路
懸遠。多＿二諸嶮難＿一。弟子送＿レ師。令＿レ達＿二彼國＿一。未＿レ至之間。魏
文帝殿前。先有＿二金花空中影現＿一。文帝問＿二大史＿一曰。何變恠
也。大史答曰。西國有＿二佛法＿一來＿レ此。于＿レ時不＿レ盈＿二 一月＿一。比丘
掌中有＿二金花＿一。來到之日。空裏金花 艮（卽イ）滅不＿レ現。當＿レ發＿二漢 境（地イ）＿一。
惣有＿二 十八餘人＿一。或有＿二慕＿レ聖情深＿一。卽 住（往イ）＿二彼方＿一。或有＿二逢＿レ難
金謝＿一。正有＿二 一身＿一。從＿二其大菀＿一。博尋＿二舊跡＿一來達＿レ秦。今詳。魏
文帝三年内作＿二無遮大會＿一者。若是前魏文帝。卽是黄初三
年壬寅之歲。計＿二其年月＿一稍不＿二相當＿一。且如＿二唐靜邁法師翻
譯圖記云＿一。沙門釋智嚴。凉州人也。弱冠出家。納衣宴坐。
分衞自資。于時晉安帝義熙十三年滅＿二後秦＿一伐＿二姚泓＿一還。
《割書：泓是姚長孫也、八月爲＿二【三点ヵ】東晋劉｜裕＿二所＿一レ擒＿レ送＿二建康＿一卽斬＿レ之。》始興公王恢從＿レ駕觀＿レ山。見＿二嚴禪

【下段】
思＿一。卽請還＿レ都。然嚴先西得＿二經梵本＿一未＿レ譯。後至＿二晉未宋
興＿一。《割書：東晉大劉裕以＿二晉恭帝元興二年｜十月＿一受＿二晉禪＿一改爲＿二宋朝＿一之。》至＿二宋文帝元嘉四年《割書：此從＿二義｜熙十三》
《割書：年＿一至＿二元嘉四｜年＿一合十一年》歲次＿二【二点衍ヵ】丁卯＿一。於＿二揚都枳國寺＿一譯＿二普曜經等合卅
六卷＿一。然嚴未＿二出家＿一前。曾受＿二 五戒＿一。有＿レ所＿二■【䖒+予】犯＿一。後受＿二大戒＿一。
疑＿レ不＿二得戒＿一。遂汎＿レ海至＿二印度＿一。諮＿二-問羅漢＿一。々々不＿レ決。爲請＿二
彌勒＿一。々々答云＿二得戒＿一。嚴甚喜焉。若據＿二前魏黄初三年壬
寅之歲＿一。至＿二宋文帝元嘉四年丁卯之歲智嚴翻譯之時＿一。
◦（當イ）二百當六年。豈容＿レ有＿二 人二百餘歲＿一。若言＿二後魏道武皇帝
創都北代皇始三年歲次戊戌＿一。于＿レ時彼未＿レ敬＿二-信佛法＿一。誰
復詰＿二-問得戒根由＿一。況復皇始之與＿二黄初＿一。文帝武帝。竝皆
有＿レ異。何戒證。故知南山錯記也。今詳。此是後秦姚興諡
文桓帝皇初三年歲次 景（丙イ）申《割書：皇初字與＿二前魏曹｜氏黄初字＿一不同也。》至＿二元嘉四年＿一
合卅二年也。義唯智嚴創往＿二西域＿一。猶應＿二少年＿一。往返遷延。
更逕＿二卅二載＿一。卽與＿二譯經圖記＿一相符會也。宜＿レ勘＿二秦魏史傳＿一。
問。智嚴法師初在＿二秦朝＿一。何得＿二宋代翻譯＿一。今詳。後秦爲＿二宋
劉裕＿一所＿レ滅。所以智嚴破＿レ秦入＿レ宋。又出家之道。遊＿二-化諸
方＿一故無也。《割書：當＿二元嘉年嚴翻時＿一。惣有＿二 六國＿一。一西秦。二｜夏國　三北凉。四北燕。五後魏六宋國也。》此中惣計。

【「[考]」は四角囲み文字】

現代語訳

【第四頁】
【上段】
年を経て、漢末魏初に至り、東天竺国に二比丘尼がいて、長安に到着した。この土の尼衆を見て問うて曰く、「汝は誰のもとで大戒を受けたのか」と。尼衆が答えて曰く、「我は大僧のところに至り三帰五戒を受けた」と。二尼が嘆いて曰く、「辺地の比丘尼はまだ具戒を持たない」と。遂に中国（インド）に還り、十五人を教化して得た。三人は雪山で凍死し、二人は黒河に墮ちて死んだ。この土に届き至ったのは、ただ十人のみであった。それ以前から、尼はことごとく京に赴いて具足戒を受けていた。後に呉地に到って、彼の尼衆と受戒した。それ以来、尼衆は初めて戒法を持つようになり、相伝して受戒を終えた。後に三人が命終し、ただ七人が残って十七年を経た。本郷を思い憶い、すなわち南海の商人に託して本国に還った。一度去って以来、更に来ることはなかった。この初受戒は、ただ魏初にあっただけで、まだ何年何月何日であるか詳しく定まっていない。また魏初黄初元年庚子歳の後から計算して二百十一年があり、宋第二代文帝義隆元嘉七年歳次庚午に至った。罽賓の沙門求那跋摩がいた。これを功徳鎧と言う。すなわちその国王の少子である。揚州に至って善戒等の経を訳した。また師子国の尼八人が宋地に来至って云った。「この地はかつて尼がいたことがない。どうして二衆受戒を得られようか」と。功徳鎧が云った。「尼に本法がない者でも得戒するが僧には罪がある。仏制の意を尋ねれば、先に本法を作らしめるのは、政にその善心を生じさせ、受戒の方便とするためである。その得戒を論ずれば、法は大僧から出る。ただ羯磨法が成就すれば自然に得戒する」と。今詳しく見れば、魏初の尼は已に受戒しており、而も功徳鎧は既に西域の人で、根由を練らずに本法がないと言ったのである。当時の尼

【下段】
衆は苦しく更受を求めた。功徳鎧が云った。「善哉、随喜する。しばらく西尼に語を学ばせ、更に西国に往って、尼を請うて十数を足らしめよ」と。而も功徳鎧は先に尼の重受大戒を許したが、ただ比丘尼羯磨一巻を訳した。『訳経図紀』に四分羯磨一巻と云うのがこれである。而も受戒は未だ事遂げずして終わり、俄然として遂に元嘉十年歳次癸酉に至った。印度の沙門僧伽跋摩がいた。これを衆鎧と云う。戒徳清峻で、道俗が敬い異とした。身は流沙を渉って揚州に至った。また師子国の尼鑯索羅等三人が京に至り、前の十数を足した。便ち衆鎧を請うて師として、壇上において尼に重ねて大戒を受けさせた。斉末梁初の鍾山定林寺の僧祐律師の記に云う。最初に影福寺の慧果、浄音、僧要、智景等二十三人のために受戒した。その後は繁記することができない。それ以来、善受とみなすようになった。問う。どのような証験があって得戒を知るのか。答える。南山律師の記に云う。昔魏文帝が三年の内に無遮大会を作った。文帝が問うて曰く、「この僧尼の得戒の原由はいかにして知ることができるか」と。大諸徳はことごとく皆答えなかった。その時すなわち一比丘がいて、西国に向かうことを請うて、得戒の所由を問うた。北天竺に到って、一羅漢に遇い見えた。啓問して曰く、「振旦の僧尼は戒を受け得たか否か」と。答えて曰く、「我は小聖で得たか得ないかを知らない」と。また比丘に語って曰く、「汝はしばらくここに住せよ。吾今汝のために往って弥勒に得たか得ないかを問うて来て報告しよう」と。そこで即座に禅定に入り兜率天に向かった。問うて曰く、「我は小聖で、辺地が戒を得たか否か知らない。故に来て尊に問う」と。弥勒が答えて言った。「辺地の戒」について遂に証験を請うた。即座に

【第五頁】
【上段】
金花を取って願って言った。「もし辺地の僧尼が得戒したならば、願わくは金花が羅漢の手に入らんことを。もし得ていないならば、金花は入るなかれ」と。願い終わって、金花は即座に掌中に入り、一尺の影が現れた。奇徴が既にそのようであったので、内に歓喜を懐いた。弥勒が語って曰く、「汝は振旦の比丘のところに下り至っても、また当に発願すべし。もし振旦の僧尼の得戒が虚しくないならば、唯願わくは金花が比丘の手に入らんことを」と。当に即座に発願し已り終わって、手で花を按ずると、花は比丘の掌中に入り、一尺の影が現れた。瑞応が既にそのようであったので、国に還り来ようとした。遂に迦毘羅神がいて、身を現して語って曰く、「道路は懸け遠く、諸々の険難が多い。弟子が師を送って、彼の国に達せしめよう」と。未だ至らない間に、魏文帝の殿前に、先に金花が空中に影現した。文帝が大史に問うて曰く、「何の変怪であるか」と。大史が答えて曰く、「西国に仏法があってここに来る」と。その時一月に満たないうちに、比丘の掌中に金花があり、来到の日に、空裏の金花は即座に滅して現れなかった。漢地を発った時、総じて十八余人があった。或いは聖を慕う情が深く、即座に彼方に往く者もあり、或いは難に逢って金謝する者もあり、正に一身のみが、その大苑から、博く旧跡を尋ねて来て秦に達した。今詳しく見れば、魏文帝が三年の内に無遮大会を作ったというのは、もしこれが前魏の文帝ならば、即ちこれは黄初三年壬寅の歳である。その年月を計算すればやや相当しない。且つ唐の静邁法師の翻訳図記に云うが如く、沙門釈智厳は涼州の人である。弱冠で出家し、納衣宴座し、分衛して自ら資とした。その時晋安帝義熙十三年に後秦を滅ぼし姚泓を伐って還った。《泓は姚の長孫で、八月に東晋の劉裕に擒われて建康に送られ即座に斬られた》始興公王恢が駕に従って山を観て、厳の禅

【下段】
思を見た。即座に請うて都に還った。然るに厳は先に西にて経の梵本を得たが未だ訳していなかった。後に晋末宋興に至った。《東晋の劉裕が晋恭帝元興二年十月に晋禅を受けて宋朝と改めた》宋文帝元嘉四年《これは義熙十三年から元嘉四年に至るまで合わせて十一年》歳次丁卯に至り、揚都枳国寺において普曜経等合わせて三十六巻を訳した。然るに厳は出家する前に、かつて五戒を受けたが、犯すところがあった。後に大戒を受けたが、得戒しなかったのではないかと疑った。遂に海を汎って印度に至り、羅漢に諮問した。羅漢は決しなかったので、弥勒に請うた。弥勒が答えて得戒と云った。厳は甚だ喜んだ。もし前魏の黄初三年壬寅の歳から、宋文帝元嘉四年丁卯の歳の智厳翻訳の時に拠れば、当に二百六年となる。どうして人が二百余歳ということがあろうか。もし後魏道武皇帝が北代に創都した皇始三年歳次戊戌と言うならば、その時彼はまだ仏法を敬信しておらず、誰がまた得戒の根由を詰問するであろうか。況んや皇始と黄初、文帝と武帝は、並びに皆異なる。何の戒証があろうか。故に南山の錯記であることを知る。今詳しく見れば、これは後秦姚興諡文桓帝皇初三年歳次丙申《皇初の字は前魏曹氏の黄初の字と同じでない》から元嘉四年まで合わせて三十二年である。唯智厳が創めて西域に往ったのを義とすれば、猶少年であるべきである。往返遷延して、更に三十二載を経れば、即座に訳経図記と相符会するのである。秦魏の史伝を勘するべきである。問う。智厳法師は初め秦朝にいたのに、何故宋代で翻訳を得たのか。今詳しく見れば、後秦が宋の劉裕に滅ぼされた所以で、智厳は秦を破って宋に入った。また出家の道は、諸方に遊化するので無いのである。《元嘉年の厳翻の時に当たって、総じて六国があった。一つは西秦、二つは夏国、三つは北涼、四つは北燕、五つは後魏、六つは宋国である》この中で総計すれば、

英語訳

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years passed until the end of Han and beginning of Wei, when two bhikshunis from Eastern India arrived in Chang'an. Seeing the nuns' community in this land, they asked, "From whom did you receive full ordination?" The nuns answered, "We went to fully ordained monks and received the Three Refuges and Five Precepts." The two nuns sighed and said, "Bhikshunis in border regions do not yet have full ordination." They then returned to Central India (India proper) and converted fifteen people. Three froze to death in the snow mountains, and two died falling into black ravines. Only ten arrived in this land. From that time onward, all nuns went to the capital to receive full ordination. Later they went to Wu territory and gave ordination to the nuns there. From then on, the nuns' community first had the precept dharma, mutually transmitting and receiving ordination. Later three died, leaving only seven who remained for seventeen years. Longing for their homeland, they entrusted themselves to South Sea merchants and returned to their native country. Once they left, they never came again. This initial ordination only occurred at the beginning of Wei, but the exact year, month, and day have not been determined in detail. Also, calculating from the first year of Huangchu in early Wei (220 CE), year of Gengzi, there were 211 years until the seventh year of Yuanjia under Song Emperor Wen Di Yilong, year of Gengwu. There was a monk from Kashmir named Gunabhadra, which means "Merit-Armor." He was the younger son of that country's king. He came to Yangzhou and translated the Sushan jie (Good Precepts Sutra) and other scriptures. Also eight nuns from Sri Lanka came to Song territory and said, "This land has never had nuns before. How can they receive dual-assembly ordination?" Gunabhadra said, "When nuns lack the original dharma [proper ordination procedure], they obtain ordination but the monks incur fault. Examining Buddha's institutional intent, having them first perform the original dharma is precisely to generate good mind as a skillful means for receiving ordination. Discussing the dharma of obtaining ordination, the method comes from fully ordained monks. As long as the ordination ceremony succeeds, one naturally obtains ordination." Now examining this carefully, the nuns of early Wei had already received ordination, and moreover Gunabhadra was already a Westerner who was not familiar with the origins and said there was no original dharma. At that time the nuns'

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community earnestly sought re-ordination. Gunabhadra said, "Excellent! I rejoice. First have the Western nuns learn the language, then go again to Western countries and invite nuns to complete the number of ten." Although Gunabhadra had previously permitted the nuns to receive full ordination again, he only translated the Bhikshuni Ordination Manual in one fascicle. The "Translated Scriptures Illustrated Records" states this was the Four-Part Ordination Manual in one fascicle. However, the ordination was not completed before he died. Suddenly it came to the tenth year of Yuanjia, year of Guiyou, when there was an Indian monk named Sanghavarman, called "Assembly-Armor." His moral virtue was pure and lofty, revered by both clergy and laity. He crossed the flowing sands to reach Yangzhou. Also three nuns from Sri Lanka including Tissara arrived in the capital, completing the required number of ten. They immediately invited Sanghavarman to be their teacher and on the ordination platform had the nuns receive full ordination again. The record by Vinaya Master Sengyou of Dinglin Temple on Zhong Mountain at the end of Qi and beginning of Liang states: "First he gave ordination to twenty-three people including Huiguo, Jingyin, Sengyao, and Zhijing of Yingfu Temple. After that, detailed records could not be kept." From then on, it was considered proper ordination. Question: What evidence proves they obtained ordination? Answer: Vinaya Master Nanshan's record states: "Long ago Emperor Wen of Wei held a great unrestricted assembly within three years. Emperor Wen asked, 'How can we know the original circumstances of how these monks and nuns obtained ordination?' All the great masters were unable to answer. At that time there was a bhikshu who requested to go to Western countries to ask about the circumstances of obtaining ordination. Arriving in Northern India, he encountered an arhat and asked, 'Did the monks and nuns of Zhendian (China) receive ordination or not?' The arhat answered, 'I am a lesser saint and do not know whether they obtained it or not.' He also told the bhikshu, 'You stay here for now. I will now go on your behalf to ask Maitreya whether they obtained it or not and return to report.' Thereupon he immediately entered meditation and went to Tushita Heaven. He asked, 'I am a lesser saint and do not know whether border regions obtained ordination or not, so I have come to ask Your Honor.' Maitreya answered concerning 'border region ordination' and requested verification. He immediately

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took a golden flower and made a vow saying, "If monks and nuns in border regions have obtained ordination, may this golden flower enter the arhat's hand. If they have not obtained it, may the golden flower not enter." When the vow was completed, the golden flower immediately entered his palm and a one-foot shadow appeared. Since this wondrous sign occurred, he felt joy within. Maitreya said, "When you go down to the bhikshu in Zhendian, you should also make a vow. If the ordination of Zhendian's monks and nuns is not false, may the golden flower enter the bhikshu's hand." Having immediately made the vow and finished, he pressed the flower with his hand, and it entered the bhikshu's palm with a one-foot shadow appearing. Since this auspicious response occurred, he wanted to return to his country. Then the god Kapila appeared and said, "The road is distant and has many dangers. This disciple will escort the master to reach that country." Before arriving, a golden flower first appeared in the air before Emperor Wen of Wei's palace. Emperor Wen asked the Grand Astrologer, "What strange phenomenon is this?" The Grand Astrologer answered, "Buddhist dharma from Western countries is coming here." At that time, within less than a month, the bhikshu had a golden flower in his palm, and on the day of his arrival, the golden flower in the sky immediately vanished and was no longer visible. When departing from Chinese territory, there were eighteen or more people in total. Some had deep longing for the sage and immediately went to that region; others encountered difficulties and perished; only one person survived, extensively searching ancient traces from that great park and reaching Qin. Now examining this carefully, regarding Emperor Wen of Wei holding a great unrestricted assembly within three years: if this was the former Wei Emperor Wen, it would be the third year of Huangchu, year of Renyin. Calculating those years and months, they do not quite correspond. Moreover, as stated in the "Illustrated Records of Translations" by Dharma Master Jingmai of Tang: "The monk Shi Zhiyan was from Liangzhou. He became a monk at age twenty, wore patched robes and sat in meditation, supporting himself through alms begging. At that time, in the thirteenth year of Yixi under Jin Emperor An, he defeated Later Qin and attacked Yao Hong before returning." [Hong was Yao's great-grandson; in the eighth month he was captured by Liu Yu of Eastern Jin, sent to Jiankang and immediately executed.] Duke Wang Hui of Shixing accompanied the imperial procession to observe the mountain and saw Yan in meditation.

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He immediately invited him to return to the capital. However, Yan had previously obtained Sanskrit texts of sutras in the West but had not yet translated them. Later, at the end of Jin and rise of Song [Liu Yu of Eastern Jin received the Jin abdication in the tenth month of the second year of Yuanxing under Jin Emperor Gong and reformed it into the Song dynasty], in the fourth year of Yuanjia under Song Emperor Wen [this spans eleven years from the thirteenth year of Yixi to the fourth year of Yuanjia], year of Dingmao, at Zhiguo Temple in Yang capital he translated the Puyao Sutra and others totaling thirty-six fascicles. However, before becoming a monk, Yan had once received the Five Precepts but had committed violations. After receiving full ordination, he doubted whether he had obtained ordination. He then sailed across the ocean to India to consult an arhat. The arhat could not decide, so he petitioned Maitreya. Maitreya answered that he had obtained ordination. Yan was extremely delighted. If we base this on the third year of Huangchu under former Wei, year of Renyin, to the fourth year of Yuanjia under Song Emperor Wen, year of Dingmao, when Zhiyan was translating, it would be 206 years. How could there be a person living over 200 years? If we speak of the third year of Huangshi under Later Wei Emperor Daowu when he established his capital in northern Dai, year of Wuxu, at that time he had not yet revered and believed in Buddhism, so who would interrogate about the origins of obtaining ordination? Moreover, Huangshi and Huangchu, Emperor Wen and Emperor Wu are all different. What ordination verification is there? Thus we know this is an error in Nanshan's record. Now examining this carefully, this refers to the third year of Huangchu under Later Qin Yao Xing (posthumous name Emperor Wenhuan), year of Bingshen [the characters "Huangchu" are different from the "Huangchu" of former Wei's Cao clan] to the fourth year of Yuanjia, totaling thirty-two years. Taking only Zhiyan's first journey to the Western Regions, he should still have been young. With the delays of going and returning, having passed another thirty-two years would immediately correspond with the "Illustrated Records of Translated Scriptures." The historical records of Qin and Wei should be examined. Question: Dharma Master Zhiyan was initially in the Qin dynasty - how did he come to translate in the Song dynasty? Now examining this carefully, Later Qin was destroyed by Liu Yu of Song, which is why Zhiyan left Qin and entered Song. Moreover, the way of monastics is to travel and teach in various regions, so there is nothing [wrong with this]. [At the time of Yan's translation in the Yuanjia years, there were six states in total: first Western Qin, second Xia state, third Northern Liang, fourth Northern Yan, fifth Later Wei, sixth Song state.] Calculating the total within this [period]: